Nobel
Peace Prize Acceptance Speech
Joseph
Rotblat
1995
Nobel Peace Prize Laureate
Oslo, December 10, 1995
Remember Your Humanity
At this momentous event in my life - the acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize, I
want to speak as a scientist, but also as a human being. From my earliest days I
had a passion for science. But science, the exercise of the supreme power of the
human intellect, was always linked in my mind with benefit to people. I saw
science as being in harmony with humanity. I did not imagine that the second
half of my life would be spent on efforts to avert a mortal danger to humanity
created by science.
The practical release of nuclear energy was the outcome of many years of
experimental and theoretical research. It had great potential for the common
good. But the first the general public learned about this discovery was the news
of the destruction of Hiroshima by the atom bomb. A splendid achievement of
science and technology had turned malign. Science became identified with death
and destruction.
It is painful to me to admit that this depiction of science was deserved. The
decision to use the atom bomb on Japanese cities, and the consequent build up of
enormous nuclear arsenals, was made by governments, on the basis of political
and military perceptions. But scientists on both sides of the iron curtain
played a very significant role in maintaining the momentum of the nuclear arms
race throughout the four decades of the Cold War.
The role of scientists in the nuclear arms race was expressed bluntly by Lord
Zuckerman, for many years Chief Scientific Adviser to the British Government:
When it comes to nuclear weapons... it is the man in the
laboratory who at the start proposes that for this or that arcane reason it
would be useful to improve an old or to devise a new nuclear warhead. It is he,
the technician, not the commander in the field, who is at the heart of the arms
race.
Long before the terrifying potential of the arms race was
recognized, there was a widespread instinctive abhorrence of nuclear weapons,
and a strong desire to get rid of them. Indeed, the very first resolution of the
General Assembly of the United Nations - adopted unanimously - called for the
elimination of nuclear weapons. But the world was then polarized by the bitter
ideological struggle between East and West. There was no chance to meet this
call. The chief task was to stop the arms race before it brought utter disaster.
However, after the collapse of communism and the disintegration of the Soviet
Union, any rationale for having nuclear weapons disappeared. The quest for their
total elimination could be resumed, but the nuclear powers still cling
tenaciously to their weapons.
Let me remind you that nuclear disarmament is not just an ardent desire of the
people, as expressed in many resolutions of the United Nations. It is a legal
commitment by the five official nuclear states, entered into when they signed
the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Only a few months ago when the indefinite
extension of the Treaty was agreed, the nuclear powers committed themselves
again to complete nuclear disarmament. This is still their declared goal. But
the declarations are not matched by their policies, and this divergence seems to
be intrinsic.
Since the end of the Cold War the two main nuclear powers have begun to make big
reductions in their nuclear arsenals. Each of them is dismantling about 2000
nuclear warheads a year. If this program continued, all nuclear warheads could
be dismantled in little over ten years from now. We have the technical means to
create a nuclear-weapon-free world in about a decade. Alas, the present program
does not provide for this. When the START-2 treaty has been implemented and
remember it has not yet been ratified - we will be left with some 15,000 nuclear
warheads, active and in reserve. Fifteen thousand weapons with an average yield
of 20 Hiroshima bombs.
Unless there is a change in
the basic philosophy, we will not see a reduction of nuclear arsenals to zero
for a very long time, if ever. The present basic philosophy is nuclear
deterrence. This was stated clearly in the US Nuclear Posture Review which
concluded: "Post-Cold
War environment requires nuclear deterrence", and this is echoed by other
nuclear states. Nuclear weapons are kept as a hedge against some
unspecified dangers.
This policy is simply an inertial continuation from the Cold War era. The Cold
War is over but Cold War thinking survives. Then we were told that a world war
was prevented by the existence of nuclear weapons. Now, we are told that nuclear
weapons prevent all kinds of war. These are armaments that purport to prove a
negative. I am reminded of a story told in my boyhood, at the time when radio
communication began.
Two wise men were arguing about the ancient civilization
in their respective countries. One said: "My country has a long history of
technological development; we have carried out deep excavations and found a
wire, which shows that already in the old days we had the telegraph." The
other man retorted: "We too made excavations; we dug much deeper than you
and found ... nothing, which proves that already in those days we had wireless
communication!"
There
is no direct evidence that nuclear weapons prevented a world war.
Conversely, it is known that they nearly caused one. The most terrifying moment
in my life was October 1962, during the Cuban Missile Crisis. I did not know all
the facts - we have learned only recently how close we were to war - but I knew
enough to make me tremble.
The lives of millions of people were about to end abruptly; millions of others
were to suffer a lingering death; much of our civilization was to be destroyed.
It all hung on the decision of one man, Nikita Krushchev: would he or would he
not yield to the US ultimatum? This is the reality of nuclear weapons: they may
trigger a world war; a war which, unlike previous ones, destroys all of
civilization.
As for the assertion that
nuclear weapons prevent wars, how many more wars are needed to refute this
argument? Tens of millions have died in the many wars that have taken place
since 1945. In a number of them nuclear states were directly involved. In two
they were actually defeated. Having nuclear weapons was of no use to them.
To sum up, there is no evidence that a world without nuclear weapons would be a
dangerous world. On the contrary, it would be a safer world, as I will show
later.
We are told that the possession of nuclear weapons - in some cases even the
testing of these weapons - is essential for national security. But this argument
can be made by other countries as well. If the militarily most powerful - and
least threatened - states need nuclear weapons for their security, how can one
deny such security to countries that are truly insecure? The present nuclear
policy is a recipe for proliferation. It is a policy for disaster.
To prevent this disaster
for the sake of humanity - we must get rid of all nuclear weapons.
Achieving this goal will take time, but it will never happen unless we make a
start. Some essential steps towards it can be taken now. Several studies, and a
number of public statements by senior military and political personalities,
testify that, except for disputes between the present nuclear states - all
military conflicts, as well as threats to peace, can be dealt with using
conventional weapons. This means that the only function of nuclear weapons,
while they exist, is to deter a nuclear attack. All nuclear weapon states should
now recognize that this is so, and declare - in Treaty form that they will never
be the first to use nuclear weapons. This would open the way to the gradual,
mutual reduction of nuclear arsenals down to zero. It would also open the way
for a Nuclear Weapons Convention. This would be universal. It would prohibit all
possession of nuclear weapons.
We will need to work out the necessary verification system to safeguard the
Convention. A Pugwash study produced suggestions on these matters. The mechanism
for negotiating such a Convention already exist. Entering into negotiations does
not commit the parties. There is no reason why they should not begin now. If not
now, when?
So I ask the nuclear powers to abandon the out of date thinking of the Cold War
period and take a fresh look. Above all, I appeal to them to bear in mind the
long-term threat that nuclear weapons pose to humankind and to begin action
towards their elimination. Remember
your duty to humanity.
My second appeal is to my fellow scientists. I described earlier the disgraceful
role played by a few scientists, caricatured as "Dr. Strangeloves" in
fueling the arms race. They did great damage to the image of science.
On the other side there are the scientists, in Pugwash and other bodies, who
devote much of their time and ingenuity to averting the dangers created by
advances in science and technology. However, they embrace only a small part of
the scientific community. I want to address the scientific community as a whole.
You are doing fundamental work pushing forward the frontiers of knowledge, but
often you do it without giving much thought to the impact of your work on
society. Precepts such as “science is neutral” or “science has nothing to
do with politics”, still prevail. They are remnants of the ivory tower
mentality, although the ivory tower was finally demolished by the Hiroshima
bomb.
Here, for instance, is a question; Should any scientist work on the development
of weapons of mass destruction? A clear "no" was the answer recently
given by Hans Bethe. Professor Bethe, a Nobel Laureate, is the most senior of
the surviving members of the Manhattan Project on the occasion of the 50th
Anniversary of Hiroshima. He issued a statement that I will quote in full.
As the Director of the Theoretical Division of Los Alamos, I participated at the
most senior level in the World War II Manhattan Project that produced the first
atomic weapons.
Now, at age 88, I am one of the few remaining such senior persons alive. Looking
back at the half century since that time, I feel the most intense relief that
these weapons have not been used since World War II, mixed with the horror that
tens of thousands of such weapons have been built since that time - one hundred
times more than any of us at Los Alamos could ever had imagined.
Today we are rightly in an era of disarmament and dismantlement of nuclear
weapons. But in some countries nuclear weapons development still continues.
Whether and when the various nations of the world can agree to stop this is
uncertain. But individual scientists can still influence this process by
withholding their skills.
Accordingly, I call on all scientists in all countries to cease and desist from
work creating, developing, improving and manufacturing further nuclear weapons -
and, for that matter, other weapons of potential mass destruction such as
chemical and biological weapons.
If all scientists heeded this call there would be no more
new nuclear warheads; no French scientists at Moruroa; no new chemical and
biological poisons. The arms race would be over.
But there are other areas of scientific research that may directly or indirectly
lead to harm to society. This calls for constant vigilance. The purpose of some
government or industrial research is sometimes concealed, and misleading
information is presented to the public. It should be the duty of scientists to
expose such malfeasance. "Whistle-blowing" should become part of the
scientist's ethos. This may bring reprisals; a price to be paid for one's
convictions. The price may be very heavy, as illustrated by the
disproportionately severe punishment of Mordechai Vanunu. I believe he has
suffered enough.
The time has come to formulate guidelines for the ethical conduct of scientists,
perhaps in the form of a voluntary Hippocratic Oath. This would be particularly
valuable for young scientists when they embark on a scientific career. The US
Student Pugwash Group has taken up this idea - and that is very heartening.
At a time when science plays such a powerful role in the life of society, when
the destiny of the whole of mankind may hinge on the result of scientific
research, it is incumbent on all scientists to be fully conscious of that role,
and conduct themselves accordingly. I appeal to my fellow scientists to remember
their responsibility to humanity.
My third appeal is to my fellow citizens in all countries: Help us to establish
lasting peace in the world.
I have to bring to your notice a terrifying reality: with the development of
nuclear weapons Man has acquired, for the first time in history, the technical
means to destroy the whole of civilization in a single act. Indeed, the whole
human species is endangered, by nuclear weapons or by other means of wholesale
destruction which further advances in science are likely to produce.
I have argued that we must eliminate nuclear weapons. While this would remove
the immediate threat, it will not provide permanent security. Nuclear weapons
cannot be dis-invented. The knowledge of how to make them cannot be erased. Even
in a nuclear-weapon-free world, should any of the great powers become involved
in a military confrontation, they would be tempted to rebuild their nuclear
arsenals. That would still be a better situation than the one we have now,
because the rebuilding would take a considerable time, and in that time the
dispute might be settled. A nuclear- weapon-free world would be safer than the
present one. But the danger of the ultimate catastrophe would still be there.
The only way to prevent it is to abolish war altogether. War must cease to be an
admissible social institution. We must learn to resolve our disputes by means
other than military confrontation.
This need was recognized forty years ago when we said in the Russell-Einstein Manifesto:
Here
then is the problem which we present to you, stark and dreadful, and inescapable:
shalt we put an end
to the human race: or shall mankind renounce war?
The abolition of war is also the commitment of the nuclear
weapon states; Article VI of the NPT calls for a treaty on general and complete
disarmament under strict and effective international control.
Any international treaty entails some surrender of national sovereignty, and is
generally unpopular. As we said in the Russell- Einstein Manifesto: "The
abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national
sovereignty."
Whatever system of governance is eventually adopted, it is important that it
carries the people with it. We need to convey the message that safeguarding our
common property, humankind, will require developing in each of us a new loyalty,
a loyalty to mankind.
It calls for the nurturing of a feeling of belonging to the human race. We have
to become world citizens.
Notwithstanding the fragmentation that has occurred since the end of the Cold
War, and the many wars for recognition of national or ethnic identities, I
believe that the prospects for the acceptance of this new loyalty are now better
than at the time of the Russell-Einstein Manifesto. This is so largely because
of the enormous progress made by science and technology during these 40 years.
The fantastic advances in communication and transportation have shrunk our
globe. All nations of the world have become close neighbours. Modern information
techniques enable us to learn instantly about every event in every part of the
globe. We can talk to each other via the various networks. This facility will
improve enormously with time because the achievements so far have only scratched
the surface. Technology is driving us together. In many ways we are becoming
like one family.
I'm advocating the new loyalty to mankind. I am not suggesting that we give up
national loyalties. Each of us has loyalties to several groups - from the
smallest, the family, to the largest, at present, the nation. Many of these
groups provide protection for their members. With the global threats resulting
from science and technology, the whole of humankind now needs protection. We
have to extend our loyalty to the whole of the human race.
What we are advocating in Pugwash, a war-free world, will be seen by many as a
Utopian dream. It is not Utopian. There already exist in the world large
regions, for example, the European Union, within which war is inconceivable.
What is needed is to extend these to cover the world's major powers.
In any case, we have no choice. The alternative is unacceptable. Let me quote
the last sentence of the Russell-Einstein Manifesto:
We appeal, as human beings, to human beings: Remember your
humanity and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open for a new
paradise. If you cannot, there lies before you the risk of universal death.
The quest for a war-free world has a basic purpose:
survival. But if in the process we learn how to achieve it by love rather than
by fear, by kindness rather than by compulsion; if in the process we learn to
combine the essential with the enjoyable, the expedient with the benevolent, the
practical with the beautiful, this will be an extra incentive to embark on this
great task.
Above all, remember your humanity.
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